Box braids in EthiopiaAmerican singer/actress Brandy Norwood with box braids.Box Braids where replaced with knotless braids for less tension
Box braids are a type of hair-braiding style that is predominantly popular among Black Africans and the African diaspora. This type of hairstyle is a “protective style” (a style which can be worn for a long period of time to let natural hair grow and protect the ends of the hair) and is “boxy”, consisting of square-shaped hair divisions. Box braids are generally installed by using synthetic hair which helps to add thickness as well as helping the natural hair that is in the braid. Because they are not attached to the scalp like other similar styles such as cornrows, box braids can be styled in a number of different ways. The installation process of box braids can be lengthy, but once installed they can last for six to eight weeks. They are known for being easy to maintain.[1][2]
History
Hair-braiding styles were used to help differentiate tribes, locations, and also possibly a symbol of wealth and power due to the amount of effort that went into styling braids.[3] Box braids were not given a specific name until the 1990s when popularized by R&B musician Janet Jackson, but have been used for years. This style of braiding comes from the Eembuvi braids of Namibia or the chin-length bob braids of the women of the Nile Valley from over 3,000 years ago.[3] In the Mbalantu tribe of Namibia, braiding was an important social practice. Older women would gather with their girls and teach them how to braid.[4] Box braids are also commonly worn by the Khoisan people of South Africa[5] and the Afar people in the horn of Africa.[6][7] In Africa, braid styles and patterns have been used to distinguish tribal membership, marital status, age, wealth, religion and social ranking.[8] In some countries of Africa, the braids were used for communication.[9] In some Caribbean islands, braid patterns were used to map routes to escape slavery.[10][11] Layers of finely chopped tree bark and oils can be used to support the hairstyle. Human hair was at one point wefted into fiber wig caps made of durable materials like wool and felt for reuse in traditional clothing as well as different rituals.[3] Cowry shells, jewels, beads and other material items adorned box braids of older women alluding to their readiness to have daughters, emulation of wealth, high priesthood and any other classifications.[3]
Cultural association and value
Hair was and is a very important and symbolic part of different African communities. Africans believed that hair could help with divine communication as it was the elevated part of one’s body. Hair styling was entrusted only to close relatives, as it was explained that if a strand fell into the hands of an enemy, harm could come to the hair’s owner.[12] Members of royalty would often wear elaborate hairstyles as a symbol of their stature, and those in mourning, usually women, would pay some attention to their hair during the period of grieving. Hair was seen as a symbol of fertility, as thick, long tresses and neat, clean hair symbolised ability to bear healthy children.[12] Elaborate patterns were done for special occasions like weddings, social ceremonies or war preparations. People belonging to a tribe could easily be identified by another tribe member with the help of a braid pattern or style.[13]
Box braids in the US military
The U.S. Army has strong regulations and restrictions on hairstyles for both men and women. In 2014, the army updated its policies because the old regulations were too restrictive for African-American women. Army policy originally considered African American women’s natural hair “not neat” and deemed protective hairstyles “unprofessional”. In the newer regulations, “twists, cornrows and braids can be up to 1⁄2 inch [13mm] in diameter. The previous maximum was a diameter of approximately 1⁄4 inch [6mm]“.[14] This gives more opportunity to wear protective styles.
Box braids can be worn by members of the US Army as long as they show no more than 3⁄8 of the scalp. The parting must be square or rectangular shape. The ends of the braids must be secured. Once the newly grown natural hair outside of the braid, also known as new growth, reaches 1⁄2 inch [13mm], the style must be redone.[15]
Similar regulations apply for styles like dreadlocks, flat twists, and braids with natural hair. The hairstyles must not interfere with the wear of uniform or covers (uniform hats).[16] Though synthetic hair for box braids exists in multiple colors, the military dictates that enlisted women must have box braids in natural hair colors without any additional jewelry like hairclips or beads.
Medium box braids
Medium box braids are a popular hairstyle within the African and African American communities. They involve parting the hair into individual square-shaped sections, and then each section is braided from the scalp to the ends. These braids are termed ‘medium’ due to their thickness, which is typically about the width of a pencil to that of a felt tip marker.[17]
Characteristics
The medium size of these braids strikes a balance between the delicate appearance of smaller braids and the more pronounced look of jumbo braids. They are versatile in length, often extending just beyond the wearer’s natural hair length, and can be styled in various ways including buns, ponytails, and more.
Styling and maintenance
As a protective hairstyle, medium box braids can safeguard the hair from environmental factors and styling stress. They require routine maintenance, including scalp hydration and proper cleansing, to maintain the health of the hair and scalp. These braids can be kept in for several weeks before they need to be redone.
Difficulties
Tight or heavy hairstyles, such as long box braids, can also cause an external-traction headache, previously called a ponytail headache.[18] Overly tight braids may cause traction alopecia.[19] Looser braids have a lower risk than tight braids or other styles, such as cornrows and dreadlocks.[20]
This article is adapted from “Box braids” on Wikipedia, written by its contributors, and used under CC BY-SA 4.0. Text on this page is available under the same licence. Source snapshot: Wikipedia via Kiwix, 2026-07-20.
A radium release hitch is a load-releasing hitch using 3:1 mechanical advantage which is used in a two-rope technical rescue system.[1] The Radium Release Hitch allows a load to be transferred from one rope to another and is commonly rigged into the belay line prior to the operation of a two-rope technical rescue system.[2]
A radium release hitch is typically tied with 10 meters of 8mm rope and two locking carabiners. A reasonable length for the hitch (distance between the 2 carabiners) is 10 to 15cm.[3]
History
The Radium Release Hitch was developed by Kirk Mauthner (who lives near Radium Hot Springs, hence the name) as a result of the extensive comparative analysis of release devices undertaken during 1997 through 1999[4]
Usage
Passing knots
Untensioning a locked lowering device or locked up prussiks.[5]
Tying
Tie a figure 8 on a bight at one end of the cord and clip it into the load carabiner on its spine side.
Clip the standing part of the rope through the anchor carabiner and back down through the load carabiner; bring the rope back up to the anchor carabiner.
Tie a Munter hitch on its gate side of the anchor carabiner. Ensure that the Munter hitch is in the release position with the in-feed rope toward the gate side of the carabiner
Secure the Radium Release Hitch using a bight to tie a half hitch on a bight around the entire stem below the Munter hitch, and then back it up with an overhand on a bight knot again around the entire stem.
Tie a figure 8 on a bight at the other end, and clip it to a secure anchor.[3][6]
↑“Load Releasing Hitch”(PDF). stowemountainrescue. stowemountainrescue. Retrieved September 21, 2016.
This article is adapted from “Radium release hitch” on Wikipedia, written by its contributors, and used under CC BY-SA 4.0. Text on this page is available under the same licence. Source snapshot: Wikipedia via Kiwix, 2026-07-20.
The bowline on a bight is a knot which makes a pair of fixed-size loops in the middle of a rope. Its advantage is that it is reasonably easy to untie after being exposed to load. It is one of the two tie-in knots that are being taught by the German Alpine Club (DAV), generally being considered secure.[1][2][3]
Dangers
2011 testing shows that the knot might slip when only one loop is loaded. Cavers and canyoneers ought to fasten their cow-tail carabiner through both loops.[4] European cavers widely advocate the use of a figure eight twisted version of the bowline on a bight.
Applications
This knot can be used to provide a toe hold in the middle of a rope; to make an emergency bosun’s chair;[5][6] and to create an upper rope “block” to make a crude purchase by threading the rope round an anchor point and then back up through the loop. It is sometimes used in sport climbing to tie into two anchor bolts independently. This knot is convenient when a dependable loop is required but neither end of the line is available. It’s also commonly used as a seat while being hoisted as there are two secure loops as opposed to the traditional one loop bowline. In theory, this knot would make hoisting many people with one line possible. This knot is very popular in caving as it allows the load to be spread between two anchor points, reducing the stress placed on them and providing a backup should one fail. Commonly known as the Y-hang it allows for a free-hang descent and can be easily adjusted to avoid waterfalls or rub points.
As mentioned earlier, this knot can replace the figure-eight knot when tying into a climbing harness by tying a regular bowline knot and then re-threading it, such as is done with a figure eight knot. However, it is critical to use a strong backup knot with plenty of tail beyond the knot, as the knot may untie during long climbs. The advantage of using this knot instead of the figure eight knot is that it can be easily untied after a severe fall.
Technique
The bight of rope is initially used to make a bowline in the usual way (picture on right). However, the bowline is not completed by going on round the standing end(s) and tucking the bight back down beside itself. Instead, the bight is opened up to allow the whole knot to pass through it (see picture on right). When tightened, the bight now embraces the pair of standing ends (see top picture)
1
2
3
4
1
2
3
Notes and references
↑“Duell der Knoten: Achter versus Bulin (Duel of the knots: Figure-eight vs. Bowline)”. Klettern.de. 28 April 2011. Archived from the original on Jun 22, 2019. Der gesteckte Achterknoten und der doppelte Bulin erfüllen diese Anforderungen. Es sind deshalb auch die beiden Einbindeknoten, die der Deutsche Alpenverein bei seinen Kursen lehrt, wobei der Achterknoten bei Einsteigern den Vorzug erhält, weil er sich leichter kontrollieren lässt.
This article is adapted from “Bowline on a bight” on Wikipedia, written by its contributors, and used under CC BY-SA 4.0. Text on this page is available under the same licence. Source snapshot: Wikipedia via Kiwix, 2026-07-20.
In mathematics, racks and quandles are sets with binary operations satisfying axioms analogous to the Reidemeister moves used to manipulate knot diagrams.
While mainly used to obtain invariants of knots, they can be viewed as algebraic constructions in their own right. In particular, the definition of a quandle axiomatizes the properties of conjugation in a group.
History
In 1942, Mituhisa Takasaki introduced an algebraic structure which he called a kei (圭),[1][2] which would later come to be known as an involutive quandle.[3] His motivation was to find a nonassociative algebraic structure to capture the notion of a reflection in the context of finite geometry.[2][3] The idea was rediscovered and generalized in an unpublished 1959 correspondence between John Conway and Gavin Wraith, who at the time were undergraduate students at the University of Cambridge. It is here that the modern definitions of quandles and of racks first appear. Wraith had become interested in these structures (which he initially dubbed sequentials) while at school.[4] Conway renamed them wracks, partly as a pun on his colleague’s name, and partly because they arise as the remnants (or ‘wrack and ruin’) of a group when one discards the multiplicative structure and considers only the conjugation structure. The spelling ‘rack’ has now become prevalent.
These constructs surfaced again in the 1980s: in a 1982 paper by David Joyce[5] (where the term quandle, an arbitrary nonsense word, was coined),[6] in a 1982 paper by Sergei Matveev (under the name distributive groupoids)[7] and in a 1986 conference paper by Egbert Brieskorn (where they were called automorphic sets).[8] A detailed overview of racks and their applications in knot theory may be found in the paper by Colin Rourke and Roger Fenn.[9]
Racks
A rack may be defined as a set with a binary operation such that for every the self-distributive law holds:
and for every , there exists a unique such that
This definition, while terse and commonly used, is suboptimal for certain purposes because it contains an existential quantifier which is not really necessary. To avoid this, we may write the unique such that as . We then have
and thus
and
Using this idea, a rack may be equivalently defined as a set with two binary operations and such that for all :
(left self-distributive law)
(right self-distributive law)
It is convenient to say that the element is acting from the left in the expression , and acting from the right in the expression . The third and fourth rack axioms then say that these left and right actions are inverses of each other. Using this, we can eliminate either one of these actions from the definition of rack. If we eliminate the right action and keep the left one, we obtain the terse definition given initially.
Many different conventions are used in the literature on racks and quandles. For example, many authors prefer to work with just the right action. Furthermore, the use of the symbols and is by no means universal: many authors use exponential notation
and
while many others write
Yet another equivalent definition of a rack is that it is a set where each element acts on the left and right as automorphisms of the rack, with the left action being the inverse of the right one. In this definition, the fact that each element acts as automorphisms encodes the left and right self-distributivity laws, and also these laws:
which are consequences of the definition(s) given earlier.
Quandles
A quandle is defined as an idempotent rack, , such that for all
or equivalently
Examples and applications
Every group gives a quandle where the operations come from conjugation:
In fact, every equational law satisfied by conjugation in a group follows from the quandle axioms. So, one can think of a quandle as what is left of a group when we forget multiplication, the identity, and inverses, and only remember the operation of conjugation.
Every tame knot in three-dimensional Euclidean space (or more generally, a 3-sphere) has a ‘fundamental quandle’ [5] similarly to how every knot has a knot group. The knot group of a tame knot has a Wirtinger presentation where generators of the group are given as conjugates, and thus this presentation can be used to give a presentation for the fundamental quandle: the generators are the arcs of an oriented diagram of the knot, and for each crossing in that diagram, labeling the overstrand and the left and right understrands (relative to ‘s orientation) respectively, the relation
holds. Note that this resulting quandle need not be the same as the conjugation quandle of the knot group.
The fundamental quandle is a very powerful invariant of knots. In particular, if two tame knots have isomorphic fundamental quandles then there is a homeomorphism of three-dimensional Euclidean space, which may be orientation reversing, taking one knot to the other.
Less powerful but more easily computable invariants of knots may be obtained by counting the homomorphisms from the knot quandle to a fixed quandle . Since the knot quandle has a presentation with one generator per strand in a knot diagram, these invariants can be computed by counting ways of labelling each strand by an element of , subject to certain constraints. More sophisticated invariants of this sort can be constructed with the help of quandle cohomology.
The Alexander quandles are also important, since they can be used to compute the Alexander polynomial of a knot. Let be a module over the ring of Laurent polynomials in one variable (that is, is an Abelian group equipped with an automorphism, which acts by). Then the Alexander quandle is made into a quandle with the left action given by
Racks are a useful generalization of quandles in topology, since while quandles can represent knots on a round linear object (such as rope or a thread), racks can represent ribbons, which may be twisted as well as knotted.
A quandle is said to be involutory if for all ,
or equivalently,
This may be stated more simply as
which allows an equational definition with only one operation.
Any symmetric space gives an involutory quandle, where is the result of ‘reflecting through ‘.
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While widely considered a reliable knot, when tied in certain materials or loading conditions it may not hold. Tends to work itself loose when not under tension.
The bowline (/ˈboʊlɪn/) is an ancient and simple knot used to form a fixed loop at the end of a rope. It has the virtues of being both easy to tie and untie; most notably, it is easy to untie after being subjected to a load. The bowline is sometimes referred to as king of the knots because of its importance. Along with the sheet bend and the clove hitch, the bowline is often considered one of the most essential knots.[2]
The common bowline shares some structural similarity with the sheet bend. Virtually all end-to-end joining knots (i.e., bends) have a corresponding loop knot.
Although the bowline is generally considered a reliable knot, its main deficiencies are a tendency to work loose when not under load (or under cyclic loading),[3][4] to slip when pulled sideways,[5] and the bight portion of the knot to capsize in certain circumstances.[6] To address these shortcomings, a number of more secure variations of the bowline have been developed for use in safety-critical applications, or by securing the knot with an overhand knot backup.
History
The bowline’s name has an earlier meaning, dating to the Age of Sail. On a square-rigged ship, a bowline (sometimes spelled as two words, bow line) is a rope that holds the edge of a square sail towards the bow of the ship and into the wind, preventing it from being taken aback.[7] A ship is said to be on a “taut bowline” when these lines are made as taut as possible in order to sail close-hauled to the wind.[8]
The bowline knot is thought to have been first mentioned in John Smith’s 1627 work A Sea Grammar under the name Boling knot. Smith considered the knot to be strong and secure, saying, “The Boling knot is also so firmly made and fastened by the bridles into the cringles of the sails, they will break, or the sail split before it will slip.”[9][a]
Another possible finding was discovered on the rigging of the Ancient Egyptian Pharaoh Khufu’s solar ship (26th century B.C.) during an excavation in 1954.[10]
Usage
The bowline is used to make a loop at one end of a line. It is tied with the rope’s working end also known as the “tail” or “end”. The loop may pass around or through an object during the making of the knot. The knot tightens when loaded at (pulled by) the standing part of the line.
The bowline is commonly used in sailing small craft, for example to fasten a halyard to the head of a sail or to tie a jib sheet to a clew of a jib. The bowline is well known as a rescue knot for such purposes as rescuing people who might have fallen down a hole, or off a cliff onto a ledge. This knot is particularly useful in such a situation because it is possible to tie with one hand. As such, a person needing rescue could hold onto the rope with one hand and use the other to tie the knot around their waist before being pulled to safety by rescuers. The Federal Aviation Administration recommends the bowline knot for tying down light aircraft.[11]
A rope with a bowline retains approximately 2/3 of its strength, with variances depending upon the nature of the rope, as in practice the exact strength depends on a variety of factors.
In the United Kingdom, the knot is listed as part of the training objectives for the Qualified Firefighter Assessment.[12]
Tying
Tying a bowlineLightning method, tied on a ring. Pull per the blue arrows.
A mnemonic used to teach the tying of the bowline is to imagine the working end of the rope as a rabbit.
1,2 – a loop is made into the standing part which will act as the rabbit’s hole
3 – the “rabbit” comes up the hole,
4 – goes round the tree (standing part) right to left
5 – and back down the hole
This can be taught to children with the rhyme: “Up through the rabbit hole, round the big tree; down through the rabbit hole and off goes he.”
There is a potential with beginners to wrongly tie the bowline. This faulty knot stems from an incorrect first step while tying the rabbit hole. If the loop is made backwards so that the working end of the rope is on the bottom, the resulting knot will be the Eskimo bowline, looking like a sideways bowline, which is also a stable knot.
Security
As noted above, the simplicity of the bowline makes it a good knot for a general purpose end-of-line loop. However, in situations that require additional security, several variants have been developed:
Round turn bowline
The round turn bowline is made by the addition of an extra turn in the formation of the “rabbit hole” before the working end is threaded through.
Water bowline
Similar to the double bowline, the water bowline is made by forming a clove hitch before the working end is threaded through. It is said to be stronger and also more resistant to jamming than the other variations, especially when wet.
Yosemite bowline
In this variation the knot’s working end is taken round the loop in the direction of the original round turn, then threaded back up through the original round turn before the knot is drawn tight. The Yosemite bowline is often used in climbing.
Other variants
The cowboy bowline (also called Dutch bowline), French bowline, and Portuguese bowline are variations of the bowline, each of which makes one loop. (Names of knots are mostly traditional and may not reflect their origins.) A running bowline can be used to make a noose which draws tighter as tension is placed on the standing part of the rope. The Birmingham bowline has two loops; the working part is passed twice around the standing part (the “rabbit” makes two trips out of the hole and around the tree). Other two-loop bowline knots include the Spanish bowline and the bowline on the bight; these can be tied in the middle of a rope without access to the ends. A triple bowline is used to make three loops.[13] An Eskimo bowline or Cossack knot is a bowline where the running end goes around the loop-start rather than the main part and has a more symmetric triangular shaped knot. A slipped version of the Cossack knot is called Kalmyk loop.[14][15]
Two-loop Birmingham bowline before tightening and dressing the knot. Two turns taken around the standing part of the line form two loops.
If a bowline is tied and the two free ends of the rope are brought together in the simplest way, the mathematical knot obtained is the so-called 6₂ knot. The sequence of necessary moves is depicted here.
↑Jan Simon; Vladimir Dekys; P. Palček (2019-11-15). “Revision of Commonly Used Loop Knots Efficiencies”. ResearchGate. pp.413–414. Retrieved 2022-09-17. stopper knot is mandatory … tends to spontaneously loosen under cyclic loading … is not recommended to use this knot in life-critical applications
↑Gommers, Mark (14 Jan 2021). “AN ANALYSIS OF THE STRUCTURE OF ‘BOWLINES’“ (3.0ed.). p.58. This form of the Simple Bowline is resistant to ring loading but is still not suitable for mission critical applications.
↑Love, Kennett (1954-12-12), “Vessel of Cheops Appears Intact On Close Inspection From Above”, New York Times, sec. 1, pp. 1, 3, …as well as a curiously intricate knot on a piece of rigging that appeared to be basically akin to a bowline knot.
↑“Tiedown Sense”. Advisory Circular (AC) 20-35C. Federal Aviation Administration. 7 December 1983. pp.11–12. Archived from the original on 28 December 2005. Retrieved 7 May 2004.
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The Bowen knot is an unknot design used as a heraldic charge. It is named after the Welshman James Bowen (died 1629)[1] and is also called the true lover’s knot.[1] It consists of a rope in the form of a continuous loop laid out as an upright square shape with loops at each of the four corners.[2] Since the design readily unwinds to an ordinary loop, it is not a proper topological knot.
In Norwegian heraldry, a Bowen knot is called a valknute (valknut), and the municipal coat of arms of Lødingen Municipality used since 1984 has a femsløyfet valknute, which means a Bowen knot with five loops.[3]
An angular Bowen knot is such a knot with no rounded sides so that it appears to be made of five squares. A Bowen knot with lozenge-shaped loops is called a bendwise Bowen knot or a Bowen cross.
The Dacre, Hungerford, Lacy, Shakespeare and Tristram knots are all considered variations of the Bowen knot and are sometimes blazoned as such.
The Bowen knot resembles the symbol ⌘ (looped square), which is used on Apple keyboards as the symbol of the Command key. However, the origin of this use is not related to the use of the Bowen knot in heraldic designs.
Totem sign as a symbol of the ancient culture of the region in the coat of arms of Kostomuksha, Russia
Fensterrautenkreuz
Coat of arms from Hausgereut (Rheinau, Baden):[5] Hausmarke with triangles instead of loops
References
12Francis Jones: Bowen of Pentre Ifan and Llwyngwair, in: The Pembrokeshire historian journal of the Pembrokeshire Local History Society, No. 6 (1979), p. 40, online here on the National Library of Wales website: “James Bowen … died at Llwyngwair on 22 October 1629 … The main escutcheon borne on the melancholy occasion showed in the first and fourth quarters, azure a lion rampant or within an orle of roses or, in the second quarter gules a chevron or between three true-love knots or, and in the third quarter, azure a bird standing argent.” (emphasis added)
↑ Julian Franklyn, John Tanner: An Encyclopaedic Dictionary of Heraldry, Oxford 1970, p. 47: “a grummet laid out square and turned over at the corners forming external loops.”
↑ Hans Cappelen and Knut Johannessen: Norske kommunevåpen, Oslo 1987, page 197.
↑Hugh Clark, A Short and Easy Introduction to Heraldry, London 1827, Part 2, Table 3 Bordures Counterchangings & Lines, fig. 7
↑“Hausgereut”. Heraldry of the World. Retrieved 2013-02-24. Wappenbeschreibung: In Gold das rote Dorfzeichen in Form von vier miteinander verflochtenen Dreiecken.
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The racking bend is a knot for joining two ropes of different diameter.[2] “Racking” refers to the figure eight weaving that binds the bight of the larger rope together.
↑Stilwell, Alexander (3 April 2012). SAS and Elite Forces Guide Ropes and Knots: Essential Rope Skills From The World’s Elite Units. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN978-1-4617-4861-8.
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Relief sculpture of a Bourchier knot (of the reef knot variety) on the chest-tomb in Bampton Church, Devon, supposed to be that of Thomasine Hankford (d.1453),[1] heiress of the feudal barony of Bampton, wife of William Bourchier, 9th Baron FitzWarin (1407-1470)Bourchier knot (of granny knot variety), published in Aveling, S.T., Heraldry Ancient & Modern, New York, 1891Examples of Bourchier knots visible in Tawstock Church, Devon, parish church of Tawstock Court, seat of the Bourchier Earls of Bath. Top left: detail from monument to William Bourchier, 3rd Earl of Bath (1557-1623); top right: detail from monument to Sir Henry Bourchier Toke Wrey, 10th Baronet (1829–1900); bottom left: detail from 16th century Bourchier Pew; bottom right: detail from 16th century bench-end
The Bourchier knot is a variety of heraldic knot. It was used as a heraldic badge by the Bourchier family, whose earliest prominent ancestor in England was John de Bourchier (alias Boucher, Boussier, etc., d. c. 1330), a Judge of the Common Pleas, seated at Stanstead Hall in the parish of Halstead, Essex. He was the father of Robert Bourchier, 1st Baron Bourchier (d.1349), Lord Chancellor of England. The various branches of his descendants held the titles Baron Bourchier, Count of Eu, Viscount Bourchier, Earl of Essex, Baron Berners, Baron FitzWarin and Earl of Bath. The knot should perhaps have been called the “FitzWarin knot” as according to Boutell (1864) the device was first used by the FitzWarin family,[2] whose heir was the Bourchier family.
Relief sculpture of a Bourchier knot (of the reef knot variety) on the chest-tomb in Bampton Church, Devon, supposed to be that of Thomasine Hankford (d.1453), heiress of the feudal barony of Bampton, wife of William Bourchier, 9th Baron FitzWarin (1407-1470), great-grandson of the 1st Baron Bourchier.
Examples of granny knot form
Bourchier knots on the monument of William Bourchier, 3rd Earl of Bath (1557-1623) in St Peter’s Church, Tawstock, Devon.
Prominent examples
Beningbrough Hall, North Yorkshire, owned at one time by a branch of the Bourchier family. A large Bourchier knot is cut into a lawn adjoining the house.
On the tomb of Thomas Bourchier (c.1404-1486), Archbishop of Canterbury in Canterbury Cathedral
Sculpted on the Tudor gatehouse of Tawstock Court in North Devon, seat of the Bourchier Earls of Bath.
Tawstock Church in North Devon, visible on monuments to Bourchiers and Wrey baronets.
References
↑Pevsner, Nikolaus & Cherry, Bridget, The Buildings of England: Devon, London, 2004, p.147
↑Boutell, Charles, Heraldry, Historical and Popular, 3rd Edition, London, 1864, p.236, (quoting James Planché)
Sources
Aveling, S.T. Heraldry: Ancient and Modern, New York, 1891. (Illustration of granny-knot form)
Mollett, J.W., Illustrated Dictionary of Art and Archeology by J W Mollett, 1883. (Fig.410, Illustration of reef-knot form)
Arthur Charles Fox-Davies, Complete Guide to Heraldry, 1909, pp.390, 469.
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An Inca quipu, from the Larco Museum in Lima, Peru.
Period
c.2600BCE– c.1900CE
Region
Central Andes
Caral–Supe civilization
Paracas culture
Wari culture
Inca
Quipu in the Cleveland Museum of Art in Cleveland, Ohio.
Quipu (/ˈkiːpuː/KEE-poo), also spelled khipu (Ayacucho Quechua: kipu, [ˈkipu]; Cusco Quechua: khipu, [kʰipu]), are record-keeping devices fashioned from knotted cords. They were historically used by various cultures in the central Andes of South America, most prominently by the Inca Empire.[1]
A quipu usually consists of cotton or camelid fiber cords, and contains categorized information based on dimensions like color, order, and number.[2] The Inca, in particular, used knots tied in a decimal positional system to store numbers and other values in quipu cords. Depending on use and the amount of information stored, quipus can have anywhere from a few to several thousand cords.
Objects which can unambiguously be identified as quipus first appear in the archaeological record during the 1st millennium CE,[3] likely attributable to the Wari Empire.[4][5]Quipus subsequently played a key part in the administration of the Kingdom of Cusco of the 13th to 15th centuries, and later of the Inca Empire (1438–1533), flourishing across the Andes from c.1100 to 1532. Inca administration used quipus extensively for a variety of uses: monitoring tax obligations, collecting census records, keeping calendrical information,[6] military organization,[7] and potentially for recording simple and stereotyped historical “annales”.[2]
It is not known exactly how many intact quipus still remain, as many were deposited in ancient mausoleums[3] or later destroyed by the Spanish. However, a recent survey of both museum and private collection inventories places the total number of known extant pre-Columbian quipus at just under 1,400.[8]
After the Spanish conquest of the Inca Empire, quipus were slowly replaced by European writing and numeral systems. Many quipus were identified as idolatrous and destroyed, but some Spaniards promoted the adaptation of the quipu recording system to the needs of the colonial administration, and some priests advocated the use of quipus for ecclesiastical purposes.[9] In some cases quipu technology was even fused with writing to form hybrid objects called quipu boards, which were often used to track religious duties.[10] Today, quipus continue to serve as important items in several modern Andean villages.[11]
Various other cultures have used knotted strings, unrelated to Andean quipus, to record information, such as Chinese knotting, also practiced by Tibetans, Japanese, and Polynesians.[12][13][14][15][16]
Etymology
The word quipu is derived from a Quechua word meaning ‘knot’.[17] The terms quipu and khipu are spelling variations on the same word. Quipu is the traditional spelling based on the Spanish orthography, while khipu reflects the Quechuan and Aymaran spelling shift. Khipu (pronounced [ˈkʰipu]) comes from Cusco Quechua, while many other Quechua varieties use the term kipu. The hispanicized spelling of quipu is the form most commonly used in both Spanish and English.[18]
Purpose
“The khipu were knotted-string devices that were used for recording both statistical and narrative information, most notably by the Inca but also by other peoples of the central Andes from pre-Incaic times, through the colonial and republican eras, and even – in a considerably transformed and attenuated form – down to the present day.”
A quipucamayoc depicted in El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno. A yupana, an Inca calculating device, is also visible in the lower left.
Quipus held information, decipherable by officials called quipucamayocs (Cusco Quechua: khipu kamayuq, lit.‘khipu specialist‘, [ˈkʰipukaˈmajoχ]), classified in various categories, narrated from the most important to the least important category, according to color, number, and order.[2]
To date, most of the information recorded on the quipus studied by researchers consists of numbers in a decimal system,[20] such as “Indian chiefs ascertain[ing] which province had lost more than another and balanc[ing] the losses between them” after the Spanish invasion.[21] In the early years of the Spanish conquest of Peru, Spanish officials often relied on the quipus to settle disputes over local tribute payments or goods production. The quipucamayocs could be summoned to court, where their bookkeeping was recognised as valid documentation of past payments.
Some knots — as well as other features, such as color, fiber type, cord attachments, etc. — are thought to compose an undeciphered non-numeric information system. The lack of a clear link between any indigenous Andean languages and the quipus has historically led to the supposition that quipus are not a glottographic writing system and have no phonetic referent.[22] However, anthropologist Gary Urton has suggested that the quipus used a binary system that could record phonological or logographic data.[23] According to Martti Pärssinen, quipucamayocs would learn specific oral texts, which in relation to the basic information contained in quipu, and pictorial representations, often painted on quiru vessels, similar to Aztec pictograms, related simple “episodes”.[2] Frank Salomon, meanwhile, has argued that quipus are actually a semasiographic language, a system of representative symbols–such as music notation or numerals–that relay information but are not directly related to the speech sounds of a particular language,[24] like ideograms and proto-writing.
In 2011, a potential match between six colonial-era Santa Valley Quipus and a Spanish colonial document from the same region was identified.[3] Researchers believe this possible quipu-document match is the strongest Rosetta Stone-like connection currently known, which could offer key clues needed to unlock the full extent of the quipu code. Subsequent studies have built on the proposed quipu-document connection, suggesting that the binary manner by which cords can be attached to the main body of the six quipus may encode moiety affiliation,[25][26] and uncovering detailed Andean social structures encoded within the six quipus.[27]
Sabine Hyland claims to have made the first phonetic decipherment through her analysis of epistolary quipus from San Juan de Collata, Peru, challenging the assumption that quipus do not represent information phonetically.[28] However, the quipus in question date to the colonial period and are believed to have been exchanged during an 18th-century rebellion against the Spanish government, suggesting that their encoding may have been influenced by the introduction of European writing systems. With the help of local leaders, Hyland argues that the names of the two ayllus, or family lineages, who received and sent the quipus can be translated using phonetic references to the animal fibers and colors of the relevant quipu cords.[29][30]
Numeric usage
While Spanish colonial chroniclers, such as Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, hinted at the numerical system of quipus, it is Leslie Leland Locke who is often credited with first demonstrating that many quipus encode numbers using a base-10 positional notation.[31][32] Starting in the late 1960’s and building on Locke’s foundational work, Marcia Ascher and Robert Ascher analyzed several hundred quipus, revealing that most of the information recorded by quipu knots is numerical and can be systematically interpreted.
Most quipus use three main types of knots: simple overhand knots; “long knots”, consisting of an overhand knot with one or more additional turns; and figure-eight knots. The Aschers also identified a fourth, and less common, type of knot—a figure-eight knot with an extra twist—which they refer to as an “EE” knot. On a given quipu cord, knots are grouped into clusters. Each cluster is tied at specific registers, or lengths, along the cord. These knot clusters represent digits in a base-10 number system.[33] The units, or “ones” position is commonly tied at the bottom of a cord, followed by a space above it, then the “tens” position, then another space, then hundreds position, and so on. In other words:
Powers of ten are denoted by position along the string, and this position is often aligned between successive strands.
Digits in positions for 10 and higher powers are represented by clusters of simple knots (e.g., 40 is four simple knots in a row in the “tens” position).
Digits 2–9 in the “ones” position are represented by long knots (e.g., 4 is a knot with four turns), and the digit 1 in the “ones” position is represented by a figure-eight knot.
Zero is represented by the absence of a knot in the appropriate position.
For example, if 4s represents four simple knots, 3L represents a long knot with three turns, E represents a figure-eight knot, and X represents a space:
The number 731 would be represented by 7s, 3s, E.
The number 804 would be represented by 8s, X, 4L.
The number 1493 would be represented by 1s, 4s, 9s, 3L.
Since the ones position on quipu cords are shown in a distinctive way (i.e., using long knots and figure-eight knots), it is usually clear where a number ends. Thus, it is possible that a single quipu cord could contain several numbers. For example:
The number 107 followed by the number 51 would be represented by 1s, X, 7L, 5s, E.
The “reading” of quipu knots as numbers in the way outlined above is bolstered by the fact that quipus regularly contain sums in systematic ways.[31][32][34][35] For instance, a cord may contain the sum of the next n cords, with this relationship being repeated throughout the quipu. In other cases, there are even cords which contain sums of sums. Such a relationship would be highly improbable if quipu knot values were being incorrectly interpreted.
Some data items are not numbers but what Ascher and Ascher call number labels.[1] They are still composed of digits, but the resulting number seems to be used as a code. For example, Carrie J. Brezine hypothesized that a particular three-number label at the beginning of some quipus may refer to Puruchuco, similar to a ZIP code.[36]
Non-numeric usage
Some have argued that far more than numeric information is present and that quipus are a writing system. This would be an especially important discovery as there is no surviving written record of the Inca Empire predating the Spanish invasion.[7]
Making deciphering more complex, the Inca ‘kept separate “khipu” for each province, on which a pendant string recorded the number of people belonging to each category.’[37][38]
How exactly non-numeric information is encoded is disputed, though scholars are working to collect and analysis khipu data beyond just their knot values, exploring other variables—such as cord twist, color[39], fiber, attachment orientation[26][27], and knot variations[40][41][42]—as signifiers of non-numerical data.
Historians Edward Hyams and George Ordish claim, for example, that quipus were recording devices, similar to musical notation, in that the notes on the page present basic information, and the performer would then bring those details to life.[43]
A 2005 report in the journal Science, titled “Khipu Accounting in Ancient Peru”, may represent the first identification of a quipu element for a non-numeric concept. The report details a sequence of three figure-eight knots at the start of a quipu that seems to be a unique signifier. It could be a toponym for the city of Puruchuco (near Lima), or the name of the quipu keeper who made it, or its subject matter, or even a time designator.[44]
Quipucamayocs (knot makers/keepers, i.e., the Inca record keepers) supplied colonial administrators with a variety and quantity of information pertaining to censuses, tribute, ritual and calendrical organization, genealogies, and other such matters from Inca times. One study led by Alberto Sáez-Rodríguez discovered that the distribution and patterning of S- and Z-knots can organize the information system from a real star map of the Pleiades cluster.[45]
Laura Minelli, a professor of pre-Columbian studies at the University of Bologna, has discovered something which she claims to be a seventeenth-century Jesuit manuscript that describes literary quipus, titled Historia et Rudimenta Linguae Piruanorum. This manuscript consists of nine folios with Spanish, Latin, and ciphered Italian texts. Owned by the family of Neapolitan historian Clara Miccinelli, the manuscript also includes a wool quipu fragment. Miccinelli claims that the text was written by two Italian Jesuit missionaries, Joan Antonio Cumis and Giovanni Anello Oliva, around 1610–1638, and Blas Valera, a mestizo Jesuit sometime before 1618. Along with the details of reading literary quipus, the documents also discuss the events and people of the Spanish conquest of Peru. According to Cumis, since so many quipus were burned by the Spanish, very few remained for him to analyze. As related in the manuscript, the word Pacha Kamaq, the Inca deity of earth and time, was used many times in these quipus, where the syllables were represented by symbols formed in the knots. Following the analysis of the use of “Pacha Kamaq”, the manuscript offers a list of many words present in quipus.[46] However, both Bruce Mannheim, the director of the Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Michigan, and Colgate University’s Gary Urton, question its origin and authenticity. These documents seem to be inspired freely by a 1751 writing of Raimondo di Sangro, Prince of Sansevero.[47][48][49]
History
Possible proto-quipus
Claims of the earliest quipu, or possible proto-quipu, comes from the Late Preceramic (c. 3000–1800 BCE) site of Caral,[50][51] though this claim has yet to be thoroughly evaluated. A more plausible candidate for the earliest known precursor to quipus may be the wrapped batons found at the site of Cerrillos from the Late Paracas Period (c. 350–200 BCE).[52]
Wari Empire
The first undisputed evidence of quipu technology dates back to the Middle Horizon (c. 600–1000 CE),[53] with these early quipus being used by the Wari Empire. Differing slightly from their Inca successors, extant Wari quipu specimens tend to be smaller, have brightly colored thread wrapped cords, and their own system of knots which scholars do not fully understand.[4][5]
Inca Empire
Representation of a quipu (1890)
Quipucamayocs (Quechua khipu kamayuq, “khipu-authority”), the accountants of Tawantin Suyu, created and deciphered the quipu knots. Quipucamayocs could carry out basic arithmetic operations, such as addition, subtraction, multiplication, and division. They kept track of mita, a form of taxation. The quipucamayocs also tracked the type of labor being performed, maintained a record of economic output, and ran a census that counted everyone from infants to “old blind men over 80”. The system was also used to keep track of the calendar. According to Guaman Poma, quipucamayocs could “read” the quipus with their eyes closed.[47]
Quipucamayocs were from a class of people, “males, fifty to sixty”,[54] and were not the only members of Inca society to use quipus. Inca historians used quipus when telling the Spanish about Tawantin Suyu history (whether they only recorded important numbers or actually contained the story itself is unknown). Members of the ruling class were usually taught to read quipus in the Inca equivalent of a university, the yachay wasi (literally, “house of teaching”), in the third year of schooling, for the higher classes who would eventually become the bureaucracy.[55]
Spanish Empire
In 1532, the Spanish Empire’s conquest of the Andean region began, with several Spanish conquerors making note of the existence of quipus in their written records about the invasion. The earliest known example comes from Hernando Pizarro, the brother of the Spanish military leader Francisco Pizarro, who recorded an encounter that he and his men had in 1533 as they traveled along the royal road from the highlands to the central coast.[56] It was during this journey that they encountered several quipu keepers, later relating that these keepers “untied some of the knots which they had in the deposits section [of the khipu], and they [re-]tied them in another section [of the khipu].”[57][58][59][60]
Christian officials of the Third Council of Lima banned and ordered the burning of some quipus in 1583 because they were used to record offerings to non-Christian gods and were therefore considered idolatrous objects and an obstacle to religious conversion.[11]
Contemporary social importance
The quipu system operated as both a method of calculation and social organization, regulating regional governance and land use.[61] While evidence for the latter is still under the critical eye of scholars around the world, the very fact that they are kept to this day without any confirmed level of fluent literacy in the system is testament to its historical ‘moral authority.’[62] Today, “khipu” is regarded as a powerful symbol of heritage, only ‘unfurled’ and handled by ‘pairs of [contemporary] dignitaries,’ as the system and its ‘construction embed’ modern ‘cultural knowledge.’[62] Ceremonies in which they are ‘curated, even though they can no longer be read,’ is even further support for the case of societal honor and significance associated with the quipu.[62] Even today, ‘the knotted cords must be present and displayed when village officers leave or begin service, and draping the cords over the incoming office holders instantiates the moral and political authority of the past.’[62] These examples are indicative of how the quipu system was not only fundamental mathematically and linguistically for the original Inca, but also for cultural preservation of the original empire’s descendants.
Anthropologists and archaeologists carrying out research in Peru have highlighted two known cases where quipus have continued to be used by contemporary communities, albeit as ritual items seen as “communal patrimony” rather than as devices for recording information.[63] The quipu system, being the useful method of social management it was for the Inca, is also a link to the Cuzco census, as it was one of the primary methods of population calculation.[64] This also has allowed historians and anthropologists to understand both the census and the “decimal hierarchy” system the Inca used, and that they were actually ‘initiated together,’ due to the fact that they were ‘conceptually so closely linked.’[64]
Tupicocha, Peru
In 1994, the American cultural anthropologist Frank Salomon conducted a study in the Peruvian village of Tupicocha, where quipus are still an important part of the social life of the village.[65] As of 1994, this was the only known village where quipus with a structure similar to pre-Columbian quipus were still used for official local government record-keeping and functions, although the villagers did not associate their quipus with Inca artifacts.[66]
San Cristóbal de Rapaz, Peru
The villagers of San Cristóbal de Rapaz (known as Rapacinos), located in the Province of Oyón, keep a quipu in an old ceremonial building, the Kaha Wayi, that is itself surrounded by a walled architectural complex. Also within the complex is a disused communal storehouse, known as the Pasa Qullqa, which was formerly used to protect and redistribute the local crops, and some Rapacinos believe that the quipu was once a record of this process of collecting and redistributing food. The entire complex was important to the villagers, being “the seat of traditional control over land use, and the centre of communication with the deified mountains who control weather”.[63]
In 2004, the archaeologist Renata Peeters (of the UCL Institute of Archaeology in London) and the cultural anthropologist Frank Salomon (of the University of Wisconsin) undertook a project to conserve both the quipus in Rapaz and the building that it was in, due to their increasingly poor condition.[67]
Jucul, Peru
The remote village of Jucul, Peru, has kept quipus in the attic of its colonial church for centuries, only recently being discovered by outsiders in 2024.[68] These quipus are closely related to those of San Cristóbal de Rapaz, which is near by.[69]
Collections and number of quipus
The total number of quipus is unknown. Their whereabouts range from Europe to North and South America. Most are housed in museums outside of their native countries, but some reside in their native locations under the care of the descendants of those who made the knot records.
The archaeologist Gary Urton noted in his 2003 book Signs of the Inka Khipu that he estimated “from my own studies and from the published works of other scholars that there are about 600 extant quipu in public and private collections around the world.”[70]
The Khipu Database Project was started by Urton and Carrie Brezine with funding from Harvard University and the National Science Foundation with the aim of centralizing data about known quipus.[71][72] The project later became the Open Khipu Repository, which introduced a new “KH” numbering system to distinguish between quipus, moving away from naming systems based on archaeologists’ names.[73] As of January 2026, the Open Khipu Repository records 702 quipus with publicly available data.[74]
A 2021 survey of both museum and private collection inventories places the total number of known extant pre-Columbian quipus at just under 1,400.[75]
Quipus are made of fibers, either spun and plied thread such as wool or hair from alpaca, llama, guanaco or vicuña, though are also commonly made of cellulose like cotton. Archaeological evidence has also shown that, in some cases, finely carved wood was used as a supplemental base to which the color-coded cords could be attached.[81] The knotted strings of quipus were often made with an “elaborate system of knotted cords, dyed in various colors, the significance of which was known to the magistrates”.[82] Fading of color, natural or dyed, cannot be reversed, and may indicate further damage to the fibers. Colors can darken if damaged by dust or by certain dyes and mordants.[83]Quipus have been found with adornments, such dried potatoes and beans, attached to the cords, and these non-textile materials may require additional preservation measures.[84]
Quipus are now preserved using techniques that aim to minimize their future degradation. Museums, archives and special collections have adopted preservation guidelines from textile practices.[85]
Environmental controls are used to monitor and control temperature, humidity and light exposure of storage areas. As with all textiles, cool, clean, dry and dark environments are most suitable. The heating, ventilating and air conditioning, or HVAC systems, of buildings that house quipu knot records are usually automatically regulated. Relative humidity should be 60% or lower, with low temperatures, as high temperatures can damage the fibres and make them brittle. Damp conditions and high humidity can damage protein-rich material. Textiles suffer damage from ultraviolet (UV) light, which can include fading and weakening of the fibrous material. When quipus are on display, their exposure to ambient conditions is usually minimized and closely monitored.[83][86]
Despite best efforts, damage can occur during storage, or be from the result of earlier conservation efforts.[87] The more accessible the items are during storage, the greater the chance of early detection.[86] Storing quipus horizontally on boards covered with a neutral pH paper (paper that is neither acid or alkaline) to prevent potential acid transfer is a preservation technique that extends the life of a collection. The fibers can be abraded by rubbing against each other or, for those attached to sticks or rods, by their own weight if held in an upright position. Extensive handling of quipus can also increase the risk of further damage.[88]
Quipus are also closely monitored for mold, as well as insects and their larvae. As with all textiles, these are major problems. Fumigation may not be recommended for fiber textiles displaying mold or insect infestations, although it is common practice for ridding paper of mold and insects.
Conservators in the field of library science have the skills to handle a variety of situations. Even though some quipus have hundreds of cords, each cord should be assessed and treated individually. Quipu cords can be “mechanically cleaned with brushes, small tools and light vacuuming”.[89] Just as the application of fungicides is not recommended to rid quipus of mold, neither is the use of solvents to clean them.
Even when people have tried to preserve quipus, corrective care may still be required. If quipus are to be conserved close to their place of origin, local camelid or wool fibres in natural colors can be obtained and used to mend breaks and splits in the cords.[89] Rosa Choque Gonzales and Rosalia Choque Gonzales, conservators from southern Peru, worked to conserve the Rapaz patrimonial quipus in the Andean village of Rapaz, Peru. These quipus had undergone repair in the past, so this conservator team used new local camelid and wool fibers to spin around the area under repair in a similar fashion to the earlier repairs found on the quipu.[89]
When Gary Urton, professor of Anthropology at Harvard, was asked “Are they [quipus] fragile?”, he answered, “some of them are, and you can’t touch them – they would break or turn into dust. Many are quite well preserved, and you can actually study them without doing them any harm. Of course, any time you touch an ancient fabric like that, you’re doing some damage, but these strings are generally quite durable.”[90]
Ruth Shady, a Peruvian archeologist, has discovered what she argues resembles a proto-quipu dating to approximately 5,000 years old in the coastal city of Caral. It was in quite good condition, with “brown cotton strings wound around thin sticks”, along with “a series of offerings, including mysterious fiber balls of different sizes wrapped in ‘nets’ and pristine reed baskets. Piles of raw cotton – uncombed and containing seeds, though turned a dirty brown by the ages – and a ball of cotton thread” were also found preserved. The good condition of these articles can be attributed to the arid climate of Caral.[91]
In popular culture
Film and television
Kamen Rider Amazon (1974): In Episode 6, Amazon and friends investigate and find a quipu which Amazon could decipher. But the Porcupine Beastman arrives and steals the quipu. The Mole Beastman retrieves the quipu for Amazon who learns of the Incan science rested on the GiGi and GaGa Armlets.
The Mysterious Cities of Gold (1982): As the daughter of an Inca priest, Zia can read and create quipu and is depicted doing so in several episodes.
Earth: Final Conflict (1999): A quipu and the Nazca Lines play a role in the plot of Season 3, Episode 5.
Da Vinci’s Demons (2014): In Season 3, Episode 5, Leonardo and his associates are captured by an Inca patrol, who are given updated orders recorded on a quipu.
Teekyu (2015): In Season 4, Marimo uses a quipu to subdue Tomarin in a comedic sequence.
Dora and the Lost City of Gold (2019): Dora “reads” a stone quipu by touch to uncover a treasure’s location.
See (2019-2022): Characters in the series, who are blind, use knotted strings for communication.
Futurama (2024): In Season 12, Episode 1, Bender returns to his country of origin, Mexico,[92] where he receives a quipu from his grandmother.
Paddington in Peru (2024): A message is recorded in a quipu to provide directions to El Dorado.
Dora and the Search for Sol Dorado (2025): Dora and Diego interpret quipus throughout their adventures.[93]
Jeopardy! (2026): “What is a quipu?” was featured as the $2,000 question in the Double Jeopardy round under the category “ARE YOU KNOT ENTERTAINED?” on February 17, 2026.[94]
Literature
The Wine-Dark Sea by Patrick O’Brian: A quipu conveys an important message in Chapter 9.
The Rise and Fall of D.O.D.O. by Neal Stephenson and Nicole Galland: Quipus are used by witches for navigating time travel algorithms.
This Is How You Lose the Time War by Amal El-Mohtar and Max Gladstone: A letter from “Blue” is hidden in pre-Columbian Peru as a “knot code.”
Ammonite by Nicola Griffith: Knotted message cords, read by touch, facilitate communication across distances.
Catalina by Karla Cornejo Villavicencio: Researchers work to decode Andean quipus in a subplot.
The Bedlam Stacks by Natasha Pulley: Quipus are used by various Quechua characters and one non-Quechua character to leave messages for one another.
Games
Death Stranding: The character Amelie wears a quipu necklace, and a device inspired by the quipu—the Q-Pid—is featured.
Magic: The Gathering: The expansion set The Lost Caverns of Ixalan includes a card named “Braided Quipu,” transforming from “Braided Net.”
Catan – Rise of the Inkas:Quipu imagery is used in the visual design to evoke Inka administration, though quipus do not function as a distinct gameplay mechanic.
↑“Warazan – Datenspeicher aus Stroh”. Das Arithmeum (in German). 30 June 2000. Archived from the original on 6 February 2006. Retrieved 4 June 2021. Dank der Bemühungen von Professor Kurayoshi Takara von der Ryûkyû-Universität in Japan gelangte das Arithmeum in den Besitz von äußerst seltenen japanischen Rechenhilfsmitteln, den ‘Warazan’. Übersetzt bedeutet das: ‘rechnen mit Stroh’.
↑新唐書/卷216上[New book of Tang]. Wikisource (in Chinese).
↑Sze, Arthur (2013). Quipu. Copper Canyon Press. p.99. ISBN9781619321038. […] one can use the phrase chieh sheng chi shih, which means ‘the memorandum or record of knotted cords,’ to refer to how Chinese writing evolved before characters were invented.
↑Goetzfridt, Nicholas J. (20 September 2007). “Polynesia”. Pacific Ethnomathematics: A Bibliographic Study. Honolulu: University of Hawaiʻi Press. p.26. ISBN9780824874643. [Elsdon] Best focuses on the use of knots (or quipus – a word he says originates from Peru, where knots were used similarly to Aotearoa/New Zealand, Hawaiʻi, and other parts of the Pacific) for tallying accounts, quantities of food, and conveying messages.
↑Benson, E. (1975). “The Quipu: “Written” Texts in Ancient Peru”. The Princeton University Library Chronicle. 37 (1): 11–23. doi:10.2307/26403946. JSTOR26403946.
↑Salomon, Frank (2013). “The Twisting Paths of Recall: Khipu (Andean cord notation) as artifact”. Writing as Material Practice. Ubiquity Press. pp.15–44. ISBN9781909188242. JSTORj.ctv3t5r28.7.
12Medrano, Manuel; Urton, Gary (1 January 2018). “Toward the Decipherment of a Set of Mid-Colonial Khipus from the Santa Valley, Coastal Peru”. Ethnohistory. 65 (1): 1–23. doi:10.1215/00141801-4260638.
↑Urton, Gary; Brezine, Carrie J. (2007). “Information Control in the Palace of Puruchuco: An Accounting Hierarchy in a Khipu Archive from Coastal Peru”. In Burger, Richard L.; Morris, Craig; Mendieta, Ramiro Matos (eds.). Variations in the Expression of Inka Power. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection. pp.357–384.
↑Splitstoser, Jeffrey C. (2014). “Practice and meaning in spiral-wrapped batons and cords from Cerrillos, a Late Paracas site in the Ica Valley, Peru”. In Arnold, Denise Y.; Dransart, Penelope Z. (eds.). Textiles, technical practice, and power in the Andes. London: Archetype Publications. pp.46–82. ISBN978-1-909492-08-0.
↑Urteaga, Horacio H. (ed.). “A los Señores Oydores de la Audiencia Real de Su Magestad”. Informaciones sobre el antiguo Perú. Colección de Libros y Documentos Referentes a la Historia del Perú 3 (Second Series) (in Spanish). Lima: Imprenta y Librería Sanmartí. pp.175, 178.
↑Markham, Clements R., Francisco De Xerez, Miguel De Estete, Hernando Pizarro, and Pedro Sancho. Reports on the Discovery of Peru. London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society, 1872
↑Rode, Nicole; Pardo, Cecilia; Clindaniel, Jon (2024). “Documentation as conservation: The treatment of an archaeological Andean khipu”. In Lennard, Frances; Ewer, Patricia; Mina, Laura (eds.). Textile conservation: advances in practice. Routledge series in conservation and museology (Seconded.). Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. pp.256–263. ISBN978-1-003-35878-7.
↑Piechota, Dennis (1978). “Storage Containerization Archaeological Textile Collections”. Journal of the American Institute for Conservation. 18 (1): 10–18. doi:10.2307/3179387. JSTOR3179387.
123Salomon, Frank; Peters, Renata (2007). Governance and Conservation of the Rapaz Khipu Patrimony.. Archaeology International #10.
↑There is no known evidence which links quipu technology to Mexico. The quipu is historically associated with the Inca Empire and other Andean cultures. The depiction of a quipu in a Mexican context is an example of cultural conflation, where distinct pre-Columbian civilizations, such as the Maya, Aztec, and Inca, are mistakenly blended together in popular media.
Adrien, Kenneth (2001). Andean Worlds: Indigenous History, Culture and Consciousness. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. ISBN978-0-8263-2359-0.
The Archaeological Institute of America (November–December 2005). “Conversations: String Theorist”. Archaeology. 58 (6). ISSN0003-8113. Archived from the original on 5 June 2011. Retrieved 21 October 2005.
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This article is adapted from “Quipu” on Wikipedia, written by its contributors, and used under CC BY-SA 4.0. Text on this page is available under the same licence. Source snapshot: Wikipedia via Kiwix, 2026-07-20.
The bottle sling (also called a jug sling, a Hackamore knot, or a Scoutcraft knot) is a knot which can be used to create a handle for a glass or ceramic container with a slippery narrow neck, as long as the neck widens slightly near the top.[1]
While classed with binding knots, such as the reef knot and miller’s knot, the bottle sling is able to perform a function for which most other binding knots are unsuited. The bottle sling’s specific form allows it to grip a cylinder, assuming it has even a slight flare or collar, and lift it along its axis when the knot is loaded by all four strands.[1] With appropriate size cord, most wine bottles can be reliably suspended with this knot.
History
The bottle sling was described in detail by the Greek physician Heraklas in his first century monograph on surgical knots and slings. It was included under the name diplous karkhesios brokhos (“double jug-sling noose”). Clearly familiar with the knot, Heraklas provided three distinct tying methods.[2][3] Knot expert Cyrus L. Day believed the bottle sling was not described again in print until Craigin’s 1884 A Boy’s Workshop,[4][5] although Clifford Ashley noted it was illustrated in Johann Röding’s 1795 Allgemeines Wörterbuch der Marine (“General Dictionary of the Navy”).[1] More recently, the bottle sling has been nationally recognized by the Boy Scouts of America as the symbol of Outdoor Skills by scout camps throughout the country.
Usage
Mockup of a rope fiador with the doubled “hackamore knot” at the bottom
As the name suggests, the primary use for this knot is to suspend bottles, jugs, and other items with similar shapes. The space at the center of the knot is dropped over the top of a bottle or similar object. Firmly pulling on all four ends emerging from the knot tightens it against the neck of the bottle. Looping the running ends through the bight and tying them together will make a sling that grips and can be used to lift the bottle.[6] This provides a convenient method of lowering a beverage bottle from a boat into the water to chill.
As mentioned above, the knot is believed to have been used medically in ancient Greece for applying traction in the reduction of fractures and dislocations. However it is not known to have any current medical application.[3]
The knot is also said to have been used as an improvised emergency horse bridle when rope was the only material at hand. Its use is described with the central parts of the knot acting as a bit, one of the knot’s outer bights passing over the top of the animal’s muzzle, and the other passing under the jaw to form the noseband. The closed loop end of the knot would be placed over the animal’s head and behind the ears, as a crownpiece, and the two free ends coming off under the chin used as reins. It was intended only for temporary use.[7] However, at least one author has disputed this as “nonsense” and suggests its only proper equestrian use is in a doubled form, in this context known as a hackamore knot, to secure the fiador to the bosal in some hackamore designs.[8]
Tying
Perhaps not surprisingly—given three were already known to the ancient Greeks—there are many methods to tie the bottle sling. Swedish physiologist and knot researcher Hjalmar Öhrvall listed eight in his 1916 book Om Knutar (“About Knots”).[9][10]
One method for tying the bottle sling is similar to the loop-and-weave method used to tie the jury mast knot and the trumpet knot. The knot is begun by making a bight in a piece of rope and folding the bight back on itself to make two separated loops that are mirror images of each other. Lay one loop on top of the other so that they overlap slightly and create a cat’s-eye-shaped hole above a triangular hole between the two loops. Make a bird’s beak with your index and thumb and weave them down through the loop, up through the cat’s eye and down through the bottom loop, bunching the coils of rope against your fingers. Pinch the section of rope that was the bottom of the triangle and flip the coils over the pinched section. The flip may take a little practice, but the pinched section should become a short bight hanging off a circular knot.
123Ashley, Clifford W. (1944), The Ashley Book of Knots, New York: Doubleday, p.208
↑Day, Cyrus L. (1967), Quipus and Witches’ Knots, Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, pp.87–88, 119–124
12Hage, J. Joris (April 2008), “Heraklas on Knots: Sixteen Surgical Nooses and Knots from the First Century A.D.”, World Journal of Surgery, vol.32, no.4, pp.648–55, doi:10.1007/s00268-007-9359-x, PMID18224483, S2CID21340612
↑Craigin, Harry (1884). A Boy’s Workshop. Boston: Lothrop, Lee & Shepard. pp.212–213.
↑Budworth, Geoffrey (1997), The Complete Book of Knots, London: Octopus, pp.80–81
↑Riley, Howard W. (January 1912). “Knots, Hitches, and Splices”. The Cornell Reading-Courses. Rural Engineering Series No. 1. 1 (8). Ithaca, NY: New York State College of Agriculture at Cornell University: 1449. Retrieved 2011-11-08. As collected in Documents of the Assembly of the State of New York, 136th Session, 1913, Vol. 19, No. 29, Part 5.
↑Grant, Bruce (2004) [1972], Encyclopedia of Rawhide and Leather Braiding, Atglen, Pennsylvania: Cornell Maritime Press, p.144
↑van de Griend, Pieter (May 2008), “Hjalmar Öhrwall on Knots (1): Life and Works”, Knot News (67), International Guild of Knot Tyers – Pacific Branch, ISSN1554-1843
↑Öhrvall, Hjalmar (1916). Om Knutar (2nded.). Stockholm: Albert Bonniers Förlag. pp.96–104.
This article is adapted from “Bottle sling” on Wikipedia, written by its contributors, and used under CC BY-SA 4.0. Text on this page is available under the same licence. Source snapshot: Wikipedia via Kiwix, 2026-07-20.